Editorial
Volume 33, Number 1, April 2001
Back to the future
Richard Edwards, University of Stirling
The search for 'the new' seems to be to the forefront in many areas of
policy, politics and organisational life. Newness is a sign of vigour and
forward-thinking. It invokes a break with tradition, where the latter is
constructed as a constraint on people's lives and opportunities. Whether it is
in the language of innovation, enterprise, or even quality, the search for new,
improved ways of doing things and representing what one is doing, is suggestive
of the requirement to look forward, not back. Thus, in the United Kingdom, there
has been the New Right, followed by New Labour. The current Labour government
went so far as to sub-title its Green Paper on lifelong learning 'a renaissance
for a new Britain'. The association of a new Britain with the renaissance would
seem like a deliberate attempt to present a very positive view of the new. The
new is good for us and the old bad. It is a sign of progress and contributes to
things only getting better.
None of this is itself new, of course. The pursuit of the new has been
argued, influentially if controversially, by the British sociologist Anthony
Giddens, to be inherent in modernity. Whether or not one considers the
contemporary period to be late modern, reflexively modern, postmodern, or none
or all of these, inherent in each framing is the rush to the new. Giddens has
called modernity a juggernaut, with all that is implied in that term of the
challenges associated with turning it in different directions, given its speed,
momentum and a degree of uncertainty and complexity as to how it is being
driven.
The link between the new and progress has been the subject of critique for at
least a century and a half. Writers such as Marx, Durkheim and Weber pointed to
the darker side of modernity - insecurity, poverty and oppression - as did the
social reformers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. However, often such
critiques were themselves working within a modernist logic. Strategies for
improving and/or overcoming the negative aspects of modernity through reform or
revolution were posited. In other words, there was not a rejection of the
pursuit of the new, but an alternative perspective on what was to be pursued and
how it was to be achieved. Strategies were insufficiently new or progressive.
The new therefore continued and continues to be an important legitimation
device, one that educators of adults have also used.
Obviously, it is too crude to posit an absolute distinction between the
traditional and the past on one side and the new and the future on the other,
with us stuck in the middle. However, it has a powerful rhetorical appeal. Many
draw upon traditions to posit a particular vision of the future and what needs
to be done for that to be achieved. Also, some use tradition as a way of trying
to buttress themselves against the particular visions of the future that are
powerful. The information age, globalisation and knowledge economy are not
everyone's view of how the future should be, for instance.
What has this to do with the education of adults? As Editor of this journal,
I see and read a lot of papers. As a result, I am perplexed and constantly
challenged, wondering about what constitutes the knowledge base in
research and scholarship in the education of adults. While, for some, there may
be a fairly stable tradition of adult education scholarship that draws upon a
certain contested 'canon' of writers, there is also a significant pursuit of the
new. This usually draws on writers outside the subject domain of the education
of adults. In other words, the juggernaut of modernity and the pursuit of the
new can also be found in the writing on the education of adults. Ironically,
this might be said to be most prevalent in those who write about the postmodern
- something in which I have a personal interest and stake - although even the
latter has a tradition of thought and scholarship underpinning it. However, the
pursuit of the new in scholarship is wider than this in my opinion. I would also
suggest that with it there sometimes come costs. In some writing, there can
appear to be the rejection, or worse a complete lack, of engagement with
intellectual and practice traditions that can help us to engage in the present
for the future, in which the new is neither unconditionally progressive, nor
deeply regressive, but fundamentally ambivalent.
It is the selection of articles for this edition of Studies that has set me
pondering on the above, as in different ways, each draws in important traditions
to help inform our understanding of contemporary practices in the education of
adults. They provide new insights and perspectives into a range of issues, but
draw upon varying traditions within the study of the education of adults.
Ralf St Clair draws upon the works of Bernstein and Bourdieu to provide the
theoretical framing for his analysis of the curriculum negotiations within an
employment preparation programme in Canada. Both writers are important for
certain traditions within the study of the education of adults - and indeed
Bourdieu is fundamental to engaging in contemporary debates about social capital
- but they are much neglected in a lot of the literature. And where they
are drawn upon, it is often at a superficial level, ignoring the pros, cons and
complexities of their writings. Similarly, with the work of Habermas, whose
ideas have been influential in certain branches of adult education. In his
article, Michael Welton provides an elucidation of Habermas' more recent
writings and their implications for adult educators. The encounter between
Habermasian analysis and the contemporary policy and practice contexts remains a
difficult space to occupy.
A different tradition is drawn upon by David Beckett and Gayle Morris. They
combine philosophical enquiry with empirical research in Australia to argue for
the centrality of the body and ontology in understanding adult learning. They
are critiquing the Cartesian mind/body distinction and the emphasis on
epistemology in Western traditions of education. They draw upon an alternative
tradition, which has found strong expression in strands of contemporary
femininst writing to frame their argument. Questions of the body and ontology
are not new in themselves, but their implications for notions of practice
provide an interesting counter-balance to concerns for epistemology and truth.
Nick Frost and Richard Taylor draw upon a different type of tradition to
examine the pros and cons of the spread of work-related learning in university
education as part of the development of lifelong learning. This tradition is of
radical, social purpose education, which draws upon certain values and beliefs
in the role education can play in helping to overcome oppression and
exploitation. Their concern is with the particular directions in which lifelong
learning is being steered. Concern over the effects of innovation in higher
education in South Africa is also the focus of the article by Jane Castle and
Gillian Attwood. They draw upon their experience of developing a Recognition of
Prior Learning project to examine the 'muddle, inconsistency and contradictions'
that evolved. Their concern is that the focus of RPL work is on credit rather
than access, so that its progressive potential is undermined. The concern for
social and political progress is an important strand in the traditions of adult
education. Some may see it as the core tradition. However, the notion of
progress here is often highly abstract - emancipation, empowerment, for example
- rather than firmly embedded and embodied. It can also be unself-critical about
the values espoused - one can be radical in very different ways and for very
different purposes.
Thus, we see that these articles in different ways draw upon different
traditions of writing and action. However, even as they do, there is also an
immanent notion of the progressive and the new within them. There is no tidy
linearity in these positions, but eruptions and enfoldings within the present of
traditions and the new, the past and future, wherein progress is not always what
it is cracked up to be...
I am often asked about the submission and rejection rates for Studies. I have
just done an analysis for the year 2000. During the course of the year, we
received 23 articles for review: 13 from Europe (overwhelmingly the UK); 6 from
North America; 2 from Africa; and 2 from Australasia. Fifteen of those articles
were rejected following refereeing. Eight articles were accepted for
publication, subject to amendment: 3 from Europe; 3 from North America; 1 from
Africa; and 1 from Australasia. The first author of 10 articles was female, of
which 3 were acceptable. Of the 13 articles first authored by a male, 5 were
acceptable. Some of these will be published in the 2001 volume of Studies. In
the 2000 volume we published
16 articles: 10 from Europe; 2 from North America; 2 from Africa; 2 from
Australasia. Ten of these were first authored by women. Readers might interpret
this as meaning that Studies is over-rigorous in its refereeing processes.
However, in an earlier Editorial, I commented on my own general concern about
quality and the analysis for 2000 suggests too many articles are being submitted
at too early a stage of development. Perhaps this is itself part of the rush to
the new, the moving on to the next article to be written and published in our
performative times. Traditions of slower scholarship might be difficult to
sustain against the juggernaut of the audit society and its ever-pervasive
measurement of quality and outcomes, but I would suggest it is something that
should be considered.